Around the world, people use a special register-- baby talk --when they speak to babies.
This “infant-directed speech,” or IDS, shouldn’t be confused with using nonsense words or attempting to sound like a baby.
When people communicate with IDS, they use many of the same words that come up during adult conversation.
But infant-directed speech is more melodic and emotionally-charged. Babies like it, and they pay more attention when adults speak to them in this way.
IDS also seems to help listeners grasp the emotional intentions of speech.
Such features-—and the apparent universality of infant-directed speech—-have led some researchers to speculate that IDS is a species-specific behavior that evolved to enhance communication between human babies and their caregivers.
You can read more about it in this article on the
attention-getting and emotional functions of baby talk.
But what about language? Does infant-directed speech help babies learn how to talk?
Infant-directed speech includes many modifications that seem tailor-made for the language learner:
It’s slower, more repetitive, and more likely to exaggerate the pronunciation of vowels. In addition, people using infant-directed speech are more likely speak in shorter, simpler utterances.
Experiments suggest that these modifications help babies develop several key abilities, including
• the ability to discriminate between different speech sounds
• the ability to detect the boundaries between words in a stream of speech
• the ability to recognize distinct clauses in a stream of speech
It’s even possible that individual differences in the way that parents use baby talk could affect how quickly infants learn to speak.
So it seems that we have lots of reasons to forget any inhibitions and let loose with the baby talk. Check out the evidence for the tutorial functions of infant-directed speech.
Baby talk may help babies learn the sounds of their native language
When people use infant-directed speech, they hyperarticulate—or “stretch out”—the pronunciation of vowel sounds.
Adults do the same thing when they talk to people with foreign accents (Uther et al 2007).
Does this exaggerated pronunciation make it easier for babies to learn about speech sounds?
If so, we might predict that the more a mother hyperarticulates, the better her infant should perform on tests of speech perception.
Researchers Huei-Mei Liu and colleagues tested this idea by performing an experiment on Mandarin-speaking mother-infant pairs in Taiwan (Lui et al 2003).
The infants (aged 6 to 12 months) were presented with a background sound—a Mandarin Chinese word repeated over and over again on a loudspeaker.
Then researchers switched to another word, one that differed by a single consonant (like switching from “jet” to “set”).
If babies recognized the switch, they turned their heads toward the loudspeaker.
Using this measure, the researchers assessed each baby’s speech perception skills in a series of 30 trials.
They also recorded and analyzed the infant-directed speech patterns of the baby’s mother.
There was a strong correlation between maternal baby talk and baby speech perception skills.
Moms who tended to “stretch out” their vowels more had babies who performed better on the speech perception test.
And the link remained significant even after the researchers controlled for socioeconomic variables, like parental education level and occupation.
This doesn’t prove that infant-directed speech helps babies learn speech sounds. It’s possible that some unidentified factor—like a genetically-based talent for both speaking and perceiving speech sounds--explains the link between maternal speech clarity and infant speech perception.
But other research supports the notion that baby talk helps listeners “tune into” the right speech sounds.
One experiment using playbacks of computer-synthesized speech found that infants under 4 months of age could detect a change in the 2nd syllable of a 3-syllable utterance only when the 2nd syllable was spoken in speech that simulated the high pitch, intensity, and stretched-out pronunciation of baby talk (Karzon 1985).
And researchers Bart de Boer and Patricia Kuhl used a computer model to test if baby talk makes vowel sounds easier to learn (deBoer and Kuhl 2003).
DeBoer and Kuhl presented the computer model with samples of adult-directed and infant-directed speech, then “asked” the model to identify certain key vowel sounds. When the computer model was exposed only to baby talk, its answers were more accurate.
Baby talk makes it easier to learn about words
Baby talk may make it easier to hear the sounds of speech. But how do babies figure out which sounds make up a word?
It’s a problem for any language learner. When adults talk to each other, their rapid-fire, often ungrammatical speech is difficult for a non-native speaker to parse. Words run together. It’s hard to tell where one word ends and another begins.
For instance, consider the phrase “Mama is happy.” When it’s spoken, it sounds like “mamaizhappy.” Where are the boundaries between words? To a person who doesn’t know English, there are many possibilities, like:
"Ma ma izhapp y"
"Mamaiz ha ppy"
"Ma ma izhappy"
So how do listeners find the right word boundaries?
One answer is that the listener hears lots of utterances and eventually their brains notice statistical patterns. She notices, for instance, that the sounds “iz happ” get paired up less often that “hap pee.” So she figures out that “happy” is a word and “izhapp” is not (Saffron et al 1996).
8-month old babies can do this by listening to many examples of adult-directed speech (Saffron et al 1996). But it seems to be difficult.
An experiment on slightly younger babies (6.5 to 7.5 months old) suggests that word segmentation is much easier when babies have been listening to infant-directed speech (Thiessen et al 2005).
Moreover, baby talk seems to help adults, too.
When English-speaking adults were presented with playbacks of Mandarin Chinese, they were able to pick out and learn new words more easily when the playbacks featured infant-directed speech (Golinkoff and Alioto 1995).
How infant-directed speech makes words stand out
Infant-directed speech seems to have special properties that help listeners find the boundaries between words—-so that a stream of speech isn’t just a jumble of sound(Kemler-Nelson et al 1989; Thiessen et al 2005).
In part, this may reflect the attention-grabbing power of baby talk. When babies pay more attention, they may be more likely to notice the statistical patterns in speech. Enhanced attention may also help them remember these patterns better (Thiessen et al 2005).
But baby talk is also structured in ways that make it easier to segment speech into words.
Infant-directed speech is slower and marks the spaces between phrases with longer pauses (Kuhl et al 1997).
And word order helps, too. Studies show that—at least among English-speakers—people speaking baby talk tend to arrange things so that a new or important word comes at the end of an utterance (Fernald and Mazzie 1991; Aslin et al 1996).
People do the same thing when they are teaching adults new, technical terms (Fernald and Mazzie 1991).
And it’s a helpful ploy. In one study, 15-month-old infants were better able to recognize new words when these words appeared in the final position of an utterance (Fernald et al 1998).
Does using more expressive infant-directed speech give infants an advantage?
The Taiwanese experiment mentioned above suggests that parents who exaggerate their pronunciation may be helping their babies learn speech sounds.
And other evidence suggests that the melodic, emotional quality of baby talk makes babies pay more attention and better understand the intentions of the speaker.
This may be important for learning. One American experiment on 4-month-old infants found that babies could learn to associate a photograph of an unfamiliar, smiling face with an unfamiliar voice speaking baby talk (Kaplan et al 2002).
But there was a catch:
When the speaker was a depressed woman, her infant-directed speech was flatter, more monotonic, and the babies failed to show significant learning in the task.
So it seems that the quality of infant-directed speech can have an impact on the way babies learn.
It’s also possible that the absence of expressive baby talk may contribute to speech delays in some toddlers.
Studies suggest that some “late talkers”—-defined as toddlers who reach the age of 2 years with fewer than 50 words in their vocabularies—haven’t heard as much expressive infant-directed speech as have normally-developing kids.
In particular, researchers have found that mothers of late talkers speak target words with a lower pitch than do mothers of normally-developing kids (D'Odorico and Jacob 2006; Hampson and Nelson 1993).
Of course, we should be careful interpreting such studies. Just because you have a late talker doesn’t mean you failed to provide your baby with the right kind of baby talk!
But it seems there is ample evidence to show that infant-directed speech is helpful.
Indeed, I think we might consider it an important facet of responsive, sensitive parenting during the first two years of life.
For more information about the ways that young children learn speech, see my article about the effects of television on children's language skills.
References: How infant-directed speech helps babies learn to talk
Aslin RN, Woodward J, LaMendola N, and Bever TG. (1996). Models of word segmentation in fluent maternal speech to infants. In: J.L. Morgan & K. Demuth (eds.), Signal to Syntax . Mahwah, NJ: LEA (pp. 117-134).
de Boer, B. & Kuhl, P. K. (2003). Investigating the role of infant-directed speech with a computer model, Auditory Research LettersOn-Line (ARLO), 4, 129-134.
D'Odorico L and Jacob V. 2006. Prosodic and lexical aspects of maternal linguistic input to late-talking toddlers. Int J Lang Commun Disord. 41(3):293-311.
Fernald A and Mazzie 1991. Prosody and focus in speech to infants and adults. Developmental Psychology 12(2): 209-221.
Fernald A, Pinto JP, Swingley D, Weinberg A, and McRoberts G. 1998. Rapid gains in speed of verbal processing by infants in the second year. Psychological Science 9: 228-231.
Golinkoff RM and Alioto A. 1995. Infant-directed speech facilitates lexical learning in adults hearing Chinese : implications for language acquisition J Child Lang. 22(3):703-26.
Hampson J and Nelson K. 1993.The relation of maternal language to variation in rate and style of language acquisition. J Child Lang. 20(2):313-42.
Kaplan PS, Bachorowski J, Smoski MJ, and Hudenko WJ. 2002. Infants of depressed mothers, although competent learners, fail to learn in response to their own mother' infant-directed speech. Psychological Science 1393) 268-271.
Karzon RG. 1985. Discrimination of Polysyllabic Sequences by One- to Four- Month-Old Infants. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology 39(2): 326-42.
Kemler Nelson DG, Hirsh-Pasek K, Jusczyk PW, Cassidy KW. 1989. How the prosodic cues in motherese might assist language learning. J Child Lang. 16(1):55-68.
Kuhl PK, Andruski JE, Chistovich IA, Chistovich LA, Kozhevnikova EV, Ryskina VL, Stolyarova EI, Sundberg U, and Lacerda F. 1997. Cross-language analysis of phonetic units in language addressed to infants. Science 277(5326):684-6.
Saffran JR, Aslin RN and Newport EL. 1996. Statistical learning by 8-month-old infants. Science 274: 1926-1928.
Thiessen ED, Hill EA and Saffran JR. 2005. Infant-directed speech facilitates word segmentation. Infancy 1(1): 53-71.
Uther M, and Knoll MA, and Burnham D. 2007. Do you speak E-N-G-L-I-S-H? A comparison of foreigner- and infant-directed speech. Speech communication 49: 2-7.
Content last modified 9/11