Growth mindset: Does it really matter if kids believe in the power of practice and persistence?

What you believe about cognitive performance can enhance your ability to learn and achieve. Yet programs designed to promote the right “growth mindset” in students haven’t always worked. Why not? I think the answer has to do with follow-through. Merely believing that you can grow doesn’t lead to improvement. You also need strong motivation and effective learning strategies.

little girl with father, looking intently through a magnifying glass at the leaves on a bush

Here is a look at the research, and some suggestions for helping students reach their full potential.

Mindsets: Can we improve cognitive ability, or is it fixed?

Some people take the view that intelligence is innate and fixed — that individuals are born with certain abilities, and that these abilities remain stable throughout the lifespan. Some also believe that intellectual performance — what we achieve with our raw ability — is pre-determined.

Do these beliefs have any impact on how we turn out in life? Research suggests that they can, but there is a good deal of controversy.

The fixed mindset versus the growth mindset

As originally proposed by psychologist Carol Dweck, we are more likely to shrink away from challenges if we believe that our abilities are fixed. Why?

Maybe it’s because we don’t want to waste time trying to achieve something impossible. But we might be just as reluctant in cases where we are merely uncertain (or less-than-confident) about the outcome.

Dweck notes that negative feedback (mistakes, setbacks, and failures) are a necessary part of the learning process. But if you’re stuck with a fixed mindset, you may find these experiences to be threatening. You view them as evidence that you lack the innate ability required to succeed.

So you end up avoiding new challenges just to prevent the possibility of failure. You don’t want to risk harm to your reputation or self-esteem, so you stick with things you know you can ace. As Dweck notes in her book:

“I’ve seen so many people with this one consuming goal of proving themselves— in the classroom, in their careers, and in their relationships. Every situation calls for a confirmation of their intelligence, personality, or character. Every situation is evaluated: Will I succeed or fail? Will I look smart or dumb? Will I be accepted or rejected? Will I feel like a winner or a loser?”

Carol Dweck, Mindset, 2007

By contrast, argues Dweck, we may behave very differently if we adopt a growth mindset about our abilities. We don’t fear mistakes, setbacks, and failed attempts. On the contrary, we view them as learning opportunities — experiences that will ultimately help us reach our goals. And this can lead us to achieve more than we otherwise would.

But wait: Doesn’t science prove that intelligence is fixed?

It depends on what definitions we use.

Research indicates that certain aspects of cognitive performance — like general processing speed and working memory capacity — don’t shift much in response to training.

So if we use terms like “intelligence” or “intellectual performance” to refer to such things, we have a good case for saying they are mostly fixed. This doesn’t mean you can’t speed up specific tasks with training, or learn to use your limited working memory capacity in a more effecient way. You can, as I note below. But each of us is constrained by certain limitations, and this varies from individual to individual. We aren’t all alike.

In addition, we don’t all start out with the same personal tendencies — the same preferences, interests, aptitudes, and temperaments.

For any given skill, some individuals will find it easier to learn than others. Some will find the process of learning the skill to be more enjoyable or rewarding, so that they naturally work harder at it. Some will require less time, effort, or feedback to see results. They might have an easier time paying attention, or controlling the impulse to stop practicing and do something else. They might be quicker to “connect the dots,” or discover shortcuts for processing information.

On the flip side, there are folks who face special obstacles. For instance, some of us have brains that seem designed for keeping tabs on the environment through rapid attentional shifts. This can be advantageous in situations that reward exploration, or fast decision-making in chaotic environments. But if you have this kind of brain, you are more likely to struggle with developmental dyslexia (Taylor and Vestergaard 2022), and that’s going to influence the kind of instruction you need, and the amount of effort required to see results.

So we can teach a bunch of folks the same skill, but not everyone is going to grow at the same pace, and not everyone is going to achieve the same levels of performance.

This is another sense in which we might think of intelligence as “fixed.” There are individual differences that shape the range of potential outcomes.

Nevertheless, it’s also clear that “intelligence” or “ability” can be malleable.

In everyday speech, people may use the terms “intelligence” and “intellectual performance” to refer to a broad range of abilities, including abilities that are subject to growth.

For example, your own notion of “intelligence” might hinge on whether or not an individual is successful at solving problems in the real world — what Robert Sternberg calls “practical intelligence.” Or maybe your definition includes critical thinking. Or creative, divergent thinking. Or all of the above (Sternberg 1988; Halpern and Dunn 2021). This is stuff that we can enhance — sometimes substantially — with training and practice.

Similarly, you might think of cognitive ability as encompassing knowledge — including knowledge of shortcuts, algorithms, and strategies for learning more efficiently. Psychologists refers to this as “crystallized intelligence,” and it’s obviously something we develop through learning and experience.

Moreover, when people speak about the potential for growth, they aren’t necessarily assuming that everyone is going to grow in the same way. So adopting a growth mindset doesn’t mean you have to deny the existence of pre-existing constraints on development. Nor does it mean that you have to believe that everybody is the same.

Rather, the growth mindset can simply be the motivational belief that effort and practice pays off.

Yes, some people may start with advantages that make learning easier. Others face obstacles that require more work to overcome. But with motivation, perseverance, and support, people can learn and develop their abilities. In fact, nobody achieves expertise without putting in a lot of effort — and without experiencing many mistakes or failures.

And if that’s what we’re talking about, then there is ample evidence in favor of our potential to grow. Here are some examples of strategies known to boost intellectual performance.

Training in logic and reasoning enhances problem-solving

Rationality is crucial for truly intelligent decision making, yet even high IQ individuals fall prey to common logical fallacies. Formal training in the tools of critical thinking — like logic, the scientific method, and statistics — can transform our ability to solve problems and make intelligent choices. In a very real sense, such training makes us smarter.

Working memory hacks can improve our ability to process information

Are you good at “thinking on your feet”? Juggling new information? Keeping track of what’s going on? These abilities are dependent on working memory capacity — the (very limited) amount of information that we can keep active in our minds at any given moment.

And while there’s little evidence that we can expand this capacity through training (Müller et al 2022), there are tactics can adopt to work around our limitations and enhance overall performance. Read more about it in my article, “Working memory tips”.

Physical exercise, play, and time outdoors can restore our ability to focus

Academic achievement depends a great deal on executive function, the master self-regulator that helps us pay attention, plan, and resist distractions. And it appears that executive function gets a boost from both regular, aerobic exercise, and time spent in green spaces. Moreover, kids are more likely to stay focused in school if we give them opportunities to play.

Distributing lessons over time — rather than cramming everything into a single session — makes learning “stick”

As experiments have demonstrated, this really is the smarter way to learn. Read more about it in my article, “Spaced learning: Why kids benefit from shorter lessons — with breaks”.

Gesturing can help students encode memories, grasp new concepts, and reason about spatial relationships

If you’ve ever struggled to understand a new language, you’ve probably noticed that gestures can help get the meaning across. But this is just one benefit of gesturing. Studies indicate that we can boost spatial problem-solving — and even mathematics learning — by using our hands. For more information, see my article on the science of gestures.

Timely sleep sessions promote better retention and more insightful thinking

For example, experiments suggest that people are more likely to retain new information if they sleep shortly after learning it (Gais et al 2006; Kurdziel et al 2013; Farhadian et al 2021). Indeed, this has even been shown to be true for babies (as I note in this Parenting Science article).

But that’s not all. Experiments also hint that sleep can make us more insightful — helping us to discover hidden patterns in information we’ve already absorbed (Beijamini et al 2021; Beijamini et al 2014; Wagner et al 2004).

Exploration enhances learning and long-term memory

Experiments on rats suggest that exploratory behavior boosts brain growth and memory (Huber et al 2007; Dong et al 2012), and research hints that exploration could influence humans as well.

For example, after being exposed to new educational material, people were more likely to retain the facts if — shortly afterward — they spent time actively exploring a novel environment (Lorents et al 2023).

In addition, researchers have reported a link between exploration infancy and subsequent academic achievement. In one study, babies who explored more actively at 5 months achieved higher academic levels at 14 years (Bornstein et al 2013). The was true even after controlling for a child’s behavioral adjustment, as well as for factors related to the heredity of intelligence (mother’s verbal IQ and educational attainment). 

Inducing a state of curiosity helps turn the brain into an “information sponge”

People gripped by curiosity are more likely to retain what they learn, and they don’t just show better recall for the stuff they were curious about. They also display improved recall for other, extraneous facts they encountered at the same time — as if curiosity temporarily renders the brain more receptive to new information (Grubet et al 2014). In addition, there is evidence that children make more progress in early literacy and mathematics when they show higher levels of curiosity (Shaw et al 2018). 

So, depending on how we define our terms, the “growth mindset” is consistent with science. What remains contentious is whether or not we can improve the ways kids learn — or enhance achievement — by teaching them to adopt a growth mindset. What do we know about that?

Testing the effects of learning about the growth mindset

For decades, researchers around the world have conducted interventions to test the effects of the growth mindset in the classroom. And, in many cases, they have reported favorable outcomes. A good example comes from recent studies conducted in the United States and Norway.

There were thousands of partipants in each country — more than 14,000 ninth graders in the United States, and over 5,000 Norwegian students between the ages of 15 and 17. Some of the kids were randomly assigned to lessons about the growth mindset, which encompassed several components, including these:

  • Instruction about neurons and connections between neurons (i.e., that learning depends on building such connections, and that practice strengthens these connections over time).
  • Presentation of the metaphor of the brain as a “muscle” — i.e., it grows when we challenge it.
  • Information about the malleability of the brain during adolescence.
  • Quotes from scientists supporting the idea that the brain grows.
  • Endorsements from students who have participated in past growth mindset interventions.

Meanwhile, kids assigned to control groups were also exposed to lessons about the brain and the importance of learning. But their lessons did not include discussion of the growth mindset.

After this intervention, students went back to their regular lives. Then, between 1 to 4 weeks later, they were called back for a follow-up. During this second session, kids were shown a variety of different mathematics problems — sorted and labelled by difficulty (e.g., “Not very challenging, you might not learn very much” versus “very challenging, but you might learn a lot”). Researchers asked kids to create a worksheet for themselves, by selecting whichever problems they preferred.

Now for the key point of interest. Would kids exposed to the growth mindset show an increased willingness to take on more challenging work?

The answer was “yes” for students in both countries: Kids exposed to the growth mindset selected fewer easy math problems, and more difficult ones.

Moreover, there was evidence of a long-term effect on academic behavior. After the intervention, kids in the growth mindset condition were more likely to enroll in advanced mathematics courses. It wasn’t a big difference from the standpoint of individuals. But it was meaningful at population level, with enrollments increased by as much as 3% (Yeager et al 2019; Rege et al 2021).

Does this mean we can boost learning and achievement by training kids to accept the growth mindset?

It seems hopeful, but there are a couple hitches.

Problem #1: The research is a mixed bag.

In counterpoint to studies like the ones just mentioned, there are other studies that haven’t reported any significant changes that benefit learning or achievement. When researchers try to weigh the balance of the evidence, they tend to conclude that the effects of training are either weak, non-existent, or highly dependent on personal and cultural factors.

For example, in one recent meta-analysis, Brooke Macnamara and Alex Burgoyne conclude that there is no solid evidence for the idea that growth mindset training enhances academic achievement (Macnamara and Burgoyne 2023).

But others see evidence that — on average — growth mindset training around the world has had a small, positive effect on achievement. The trick is that it depends on local environmental conditions.

Do cultural beliefs impact the effects of the growth mindset?

According to Nigel Lou and Liman Li, effects on achievement are highest in societies where the growth mindset is more generally accepted. By contrast, in societies where most people tend to believe that intelligence is fixed, growth mindset training may fall flat. Not only is there no positive effect on achievement in these cases. Kids may also experience reduced well-being and less purpose in life, perhaps because they fail to receive support for their beliefs, or because they feel more uncertainty about how to proceed (Lou and Li 2023).

Does the growth mindset mostly help students with prior risk factors?

Some researchers see evidence that the effects of mindset training depend on a child’s prior risk factors for poor achievement. They maintain that it’s mostly kids from low socioeconomic backgrounds — and children at high risk for academic problems — who benefit from mindset interventions (Burnett et al 2023). When training studies target other types of children, the effects tend to be very modest — or non-existent (Sisk et al 2018).

And it’s likely that other factors play a role too. For instance, the growth mindset is believed to help students because it boosts their motivation to take risks, practice, and learn. But what if the growth mindset isn’t enough to motivate students, or ensure that they follow through?

You can tell a child that she’s got what it takes to master algebra. But if she isn’t interested in algebra, and doesn’t see why mastering algebra is important, we wouldn’t expect her to set this goal. She might verbally endorse the growth theory of intelligence — and sincerely believe in it — and yet fail to apply it.

Problem #2: We need to be realistic about the challenges experienced by kids with cognitive differences and learning disabilities

David Moreau makes this point forcefully in his skeptical review of the literature. We’re in serious trouble of treating kids unfairly — and even doing them harm — if we assume that kids aren’t making progress because they are giving up too easily.

Even if growth mindset programs have significant, population-level effects, that doesn’t mean that every child is equally capable of making improvements. Some kids aren’t going to find success with mainstream learning strategies, nor even with the standard interventions developed for students with disabilities.

So we shouldn’t expect mindset training alone to make a difference. If we don’t inspire kids to pay attention and persist — and help them meet realistic learning goals with effective educational strategies — we shouldn’t be surprised if a simple mindset intervention fails.

The bottom line?

I think there’s plenty of reason for schools to be skeptical before buying into any particular program or lesson plan. Even when an educational tactic has a track record for working — consistently — the impact on individuals will vary, and the average effect size tends to be small. That’s just the way things work. People are complicated. Learning is complicated. Achievement is complicated. Child outcomes are determined by a combination of many factors.

By analogy, if we administered multivitamins to every child in a school, we might really help a few individuals suffering from malnutrition; see much more modest improvements for kids with mild deficiencies; and no changes (or even worsening) among many other children. Add it all up, and the overall effect of the intervention might be weakly positive or non-existent. Should you adopt a multivitamin program for your school? And, if so, which one?

But if we focus on the basic ideas underpinning the “growth mindset” theory, it makes perfect sense to teach kids about the power of practice and persistence.

Developing skills takes time and effort. If kids assume that the only projects worth attempting are easy, they aren’t going to learn very much. Their belief in fixed ability becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. By contrast, if we reassure them that’s normal for learning to be hard work — and show them that people can master seemingly difficult skills with practice — we help kids develop the motivation they need to succeed.

What can parents and teachers do?

Quite a lot, I think. Here are some suggestions.

1. Get on board yourself.

Are you convinced that skills should develop easily, or else they weren’t meant to be? If so, it’s likely you’ll communicate this belief to your child. Take stock of your biases and attitudes. 

As noted above, there is real scientific evidence that we can sharpen our own thinking. Read more about it in James Flynn’s What Is Intelligence?: Beyond the Flynn Effect and Richard Nisbett’s book, Intelligence and How to Get It: Why Schools and Cultures Count.

2. Instill a sense of realistic optimism in your kids.

Tell children about the importance of exercising their minds, and the encourage them to view mistakes as opportunities to learn (Dweck 2006). Provide kids with specific, concrete examples of how novices become competent over time. 

3. Don’t imagine that merely adopting a growth mindset is enough.

Kids must want to learn. They need to be intellectually curious, or possess some other form of motivation to devote themselves to learning.

So we need to help students discover what’s interesting in the subject matter they study. And we need to help them find clear connections between what they are learning, what they aspire to become. How is school work relevant to their lives, their hobbies, their economic futures?

4. When kids are frustrated at their lack of progress, don’t keep insisting that they repeat the same old tactics. If they are stuck, encourage them to try a different strategy.

Endorsing the power of practice doesn’t mean that we keep trying methods that don’t work.

5. Use praise wisely.

Praise can be a great motivator for academic achievement. However, the wrong kind of praise can backfire. When we praise kids for their intelligence, we might make them too image-conscious. They may become more fearful of failure — thinking it will show them to be imposters. So they shrink from new challenges.

On the other hand, praising kids for effort may encourage them to develop a growth theory of intelligence. In a recent study tracking children from the age of 1 year, kids who received more praise for effort during the toddler years were more likely to endorse a growth mindset when they were in the 2nd and 3rd grades. They were also more likely to agree that persistence and hard work pays off (Gunderson et al 2013).

For more information about the effects of praise, see these articles on praise and intelligence and tips for effective praise. In addition, check out Carol Dweck’s best-selling book, Mindset: The New Psychology of Success.


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For more information about the ways that our theory of intelligence can influence our intellectual performance, see this article about stereotype threat.

Content of “Growth mindset: Can a theory of intelligence improve the way you learn?” last modified 2/2024. Portions of the text are derived from earlier versions of this article, written by the same author.

image of little girl looking at leaves with magnifying glass by Mladen Zivkovic / istock