Grappling with the effects of television on language learning
Studies report a link between TV and language development in babies. The more time babies spend watching television, the more slowly they learn to talk. What's going on?
Some people conclude that the effects of television on children are direct and negative. According to this view, television is noxious, like cigarette smoke. But whereas cigarettes damage the lungs, television damages the mind. Watching TV makes you (quite literally) dumb.
But correlation isn't causation, and a more fine-grained analysis of the problem supports a very different conclusion --
TV is linked with slower language acquisition because TV time tends to displace conversation time between babies and adults.
What the data really show
Television is merely a medium for transmitting information. Surely it's the information that counts, not the medium itself.
Indeed, experiments have shown that kids who watch age-appropriate educational programs, like Blues Clues, show immediate improvements in their abilities to recall information and to solve the sorts of problems modeled in the shows (Crowley et al 1999; Geist et al 2000).
Possibly, certain aspects of television—like the fast pace or rapid change of scenes—might contribute to the development of short attention spans. This disturbing idea receives support from several studies, including a recent experiment that compared the effects of “fast-edit” and “slow-edit” television on 4- to 7- year old school kids (Cooper et al 2009).
However, none of this proof that TV makes babies dumb.
What does seem likely is that babies have a relatively difficult time learning to talk by watching and listening to TV programs. To learn to speak, babies benefit from social interaction.
Patricia Kuhl, a leading researcher in the field of language acquisition, has demonstrated this point in some elegant experiments on babies.
Kuhl and her colleagues presented 9-month old American babies with an unfamiliar language—Mandarin Chinese. In one experiment, babies were allowed to interact with a real, live Mandarin speaker. After 12 sessions, these babies showed an enhanced ability to discriminate certain speech sounds that are common in the Mandarin language.
But when the experiment was repeated with another set of infants who watched only televised language tutors, the results were different. The babies exposed to Mandarin via TV were no more likely than control infants to discriminate Mandarin speech sounds (Kuhl et al 2003).
In both experiments, the Mandarin speakers gazed directly at the babies, discussed toys, and used that special, "baby-friendly" style of speaking known as "infant-directed speech."
The difference between experiments was the social factor. As Kuhl notes, "infants are apparently not computational automatons—rather, they might need a social tutor when learning a natural language" (Kuhl 2004).
This idea is supported by a recent study that fitted young children, aged zero to four years, with recording devices (Christakis et al 2009).
The devices allowed researchers to objectively measure how much adult conversation and television each child experienced.
The results were intriguing.
Researchers discovered that social talk—one-on-one, back-and-forth conversation between adults and their children—was linked with better language development. The more time babies and toddlers were included in adult conversations, the more quickly their language skills improved.
By contrast, listening to adult monologues—including storytelling--was only weakly correlated with language development. The effect of two-way conversations was almost 6 times greater than the effect of merely listening to adults talk.
When researchers controlled for the amount of time that kids spent in conversation, the effect of television on children was neither positive nor negative.
Other, more recent studies have yielded similar conclusions.
researchers have followed the development of young children, they have found
that kids who spend more time talking with adults end up with larger
vocabularies. Simply overhearing the speech of others doesn't do the trick (Shneidman
and Goldin-Meadow 2012; Shneidman et al 2013; Weisleder and Fernald 2013).
And experiments video chat technology really drives the point home.
Sarah Roseberry and her colleagues randomly assigned a group of toddlers (24-30 months) to experience one of two types of adult conversation: An adult talking to them live, via Skype, or an adult who appeared to be communicating via Skype but who was really pre-recorded.
Under both conditions, toddlers attempted to communicate with the adult, but only the "live" adult responded appropriately to the children’s comments, questions, or facial expressions.
The prerecorded adults talked in the manner of a television talk show host – appearing to engage the audience, but obviously unable to react contingently to anything the kids did or said.
After these sessions, the toddlers were tested to see if they'd learned an unfamiliar word that the adult had used. Only the kids who'd engaged in real live conversations picked up the new vocabulary (Roseberry 2014).
More recently, researchers performed a similar test on even younger children (12-25 months), and they obtained similar results: Babies who participated in interactive, online chats learned from the experience (Myers et al 2017).
So young children can learn from video chats, but here, too, there are limits.
In both of these studies, kids didn't simply start watching a stranger teaching them vocabulary. Video chats began with a warm-up period, during which adult greeted them by name, and asked them to respond to personal questions about their recent activities (e.g., "Did you like playing with the blocks?").
These preliminaries may have helped the children understand that they were talking with a live human being. And that could be crucial.
When researchers have tried testing children without taking these steps, children failed to learn from live video chatting (Troseth et al 2018; Strouse et al 2018).
We should be concerned about the effects of television on children who are learning to talk. But the research on language acquisition doesn't tell us that television is the direct cause of learning delays.
Instead, the more useful message is that babies benefit from genuine, back-and-forth conversations. Perhaps parents should worry a bit less about TV time and more about time spent in meaningful conversation with their kids.
Learn more about your baby's developing language skills from these Parenting Science articles:
And if you're wondering what your baby might be thinking when he or she watches TV, check out these articles about the way infants react to the social interactions of others:
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Christakis DA, Gilkerson J, Richards JA, Zimmerman FJ, Garrison MM, Xu D, Gray S, and Yapanel U. 2009. Audible Television and Decreased Adult Words, Infant Vocalizations, and Conversational Turns: A Population-Based Study. Arch Pediatr Adolesc Med. 163(6):554-558.
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Shneidman LA, Goldin-Meadow S. 2012. Language input and acquisition in a Mayan village: how important is directed speech? Dev Sci. 15(5):659-73.
Shneidman LA, Arroyo ME, Levine SC, and Goldin-Meadow S. 2013. What counts as effective input for word learning? J Child Lang. 40(3):672-86.
Troseth GL, Strouse GA, Verdine BN, Saylor MM. 2018. Let's Chat: On-Screen Social Responsiveness Is Not Sufficient to Support Toddlers' Word Learning From Video. Front Psychol. 9:2195.
Weisleder A and Fernald A. 2013. Talking to children matters: early language experience strengthens processing and builds vocabulary. Psychol Sci. 24(11):2143-52.
Content last modified 6/20